‘We ~ ~ not inventors of anything. We ser estar just reader of Marx and political revolutionary agitators in ours time’
*

We have naquela method porque o the damage of work. We are in search of der positive measure up of non-work, a measure of our liberation from that poisonous slavery from which the bosses have always profited, and which a official socialist movement has constantly imposed on us like some type of title of nobility. No, us really cannot call ourselves ‘socialists’, porque o we can no longer expropriate your disgrace.

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At long last,We are all bastards.And that many venerable male which IDid speak to my father, ser estar I know not whereWhen I foi ~ stamp’d.

-Antonio Negri, Domination e Sabotage


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Is it feasible to be communist withoutMarx?

Posted: might 23, 2012 in 2010
1

is it feasible to communist without marx negri


Declaration through Hardt andNegri

Posted: might 16, 2012 in 2012
0

Full Version93152857-Hardt-Negri-Declaration-2012

Take Up the BatonThis is not a manifesto. Manifestos provide der glimpse of naquela world to come e also speak to into being the subject, quem although agora only naquela specter must materialize to become the revendedor autorizado of change. Manifestos work like the ancient prophets, quem by the power of your vision create their very own people. Today’s sociedade movements have reversed the order, making manifestos and prophets obsolete. Agents of change have currently descended into ns streets and occupied cidade squares, not apenas um threatening e toppling rulers but additionally conjuring visions of der new world. An ext important, perhaps, ns multitudes, v their logics and practices, your slogans e desires, have declared naquela new set of principles and truths. How can their declaration become a basis para constituting a new and sustainable society? como as can those principles e truths overview us in reinventing como as we relate to each other and our world? In their rebellion, a multitudes should discover the passage em ~ declaration to constitution.

Early in 2011, in a depths that social and economic crises characterized by radical inequality, common sense seemed to dictate that us trust the decisions e guidance of the ruling powers, lest even greater calamities befall us. A financial e governmental rulers may be tyrants, and they may have been primarily responsible porque o creating ns crises, yet we had no choice. During the course that 2011, however, naquela series of sociedade struggles not correct that usual sense and began come construct a new one. Accounting Wall rua was a most clearly shows but era only uma moment in a cycle of battles that shifted a terrain of politics debate and opened novo possibilities para political action over ns course of a year.

Two thousand onze began early. ~ above 17 December 2010 in Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia, twenty-six-year-old street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi, who foi ~ reported to have earned acomputer science degree, collection himself on fire. Through the end of the month, massive revolts had actually spread to Tunis with a demand, “Ben lá dégage!” e indeed by a middle that January, Zine el-Abidine Ben lá was already gone. Egyptians took up ns baton and, com tens e hundreds the thousands routinely coming lado de fora in a streets beginning in tão tarde January, demanded the Hosni Mubarak walk too. Cairo’s Tahrir quadrado was occupied for der mere eighteen dia before Mubarak departed.

Protests versus repressive regimes spread easily to other nations in north Africa and the middle East, consisting of Bahrain and Yemen and eventually Libya and Syria, but a initial spark in Tunisia and Egypt also caught fire farther away. Ns protesters occupying the Wisconsin statehouse in February and March to express solidarity and recognized resonance com their counterparts in Cairo, yet the cardeal step started on 15 might in ns occupations of centrais squares in Madrid e Barcelona by ns so-called indignados. A Spanish encampments took inspiration from the Tunisian e Egyptian revolts and carried forward their struggles in novo ways. Against a socialist-led government of joseph Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, they demanded, “Democracia atuações ya,” refusing the representation of tudo political parties, e they forwarded der wide variety of social protests, from the corruption of the banks to unemployment, em ~ the absence of social services to poor housing e the unjust of evictions. Millions of Spaniards participated in ns movement, and the vast majority of the population supported their demands. In populated squares the indignados formed conjunto for decision-making and investigative commissions to explore der range of sociedade issues.

Even before a encampments in Madrid’s Puerta del solar were dismantled in June, a Greeks had taken up ns baton são de the indignados and occupied Syntagma quadrado in Athens come protest against austerity measures. Not grande after, tents sprang increase on Tel Aviv’s Rothschild boulevard to necessidade social justice e welfare porque o Israelis. In at an early stage August, after ~ police shot der black Briton, riots broke fora in Tottenham and spread throughout England.

When naquela few hundreds pioneer occupiers brought their tents to new York’s Zuccotti parque on 17 September, then, it ser estar their turn to pegar up the baton. E indeed your actions and the spread out of the movements in a United States e across the world need to be construed with a year’s experiences at your backs.

Many who ser estar not part of the struggles have actually trouble seeing a connections in this perform of events. The norte African rebellions opposed repressive regimes and their demands focused on ns removal that tyrants, whereas a wide-ranging social demands of the encampments in Europe, a United States, e Israel addressed representative constitutional systems. Furthermore, a Israeli tent protest (don’t speak to it an occupation!) delicately balanced demands so as to remain silent around questions that settlements e Palestinian rights; ns Greeks ser estar facing sovereign debt and austerity steps of historical proportions; and the indignation that the british rioters addressed naquela long background of racial hierarchy—and lock didn’t even pitch tents.

Each that these battles is singular and oriented towards specific local conditions. The primeiro thing to notice, though, is that they did, in fact, speak to uma another. A Egyptians, that course, clearly moved down paths traveled by the Tunisians e adopted their slogans, but ns occupiers that Puerta del solar also thought of their battle as moving on ns experiences that those at Tahrir. In turn, ns eyes the those in Athens e Tel Aviv were focused on a experiences the Madrid e Cairo. A Wall rua occupiers had actually them tudo de in view, translating, ao instance, ns struggle against the tyrant into der struggle against ns tyranny the finance. You may think the they were just deluded e forgot or ignored the differences in their situations e demands. Us believe, however, that they have der clearer vision than those outside ns struggle, and they deserve to hold with each other without contradiction your singular conditions and local battles with the common globais struggle.

Ralph Ellison’s invisible man, ~ an arduous trip through a racist society,developed a ability come communicate com others in struggle. “Who knows,” Ellison’s narratorconcludes, “but that, on ns lower frequencies, i speak for you?” Today, too, those in struggle interact on a lower frequencies, but, unequal in Ellison’s time, durante one speaks for them. Ns lower frequencies estão open airwaves for all. And some messages deserve to be heard only by those in struggle.

These motions do, that course, share der series of characteristics, ns most evident of i m sorry is ns strategy the encampment or occupation. A decade ago a alterglobalization motions were nomadic. Castle migrated a partir de one summit meeting to ns next, illuminating ns injustices and antidemocratic natureza of a series of an essential institutions that the global power system: ns World trade Organization, the internacional Monetary Fund, the World Bank, e the G8 national leaders, amongst others. A cycle of struggles that started in 2011, in contrast, is sedentary. Rather of roaming segue to ns calendar of a summit meetings, these movements stay placed and, in fact, refuse come move. Your immobility is partly due to a fact the they ~ ~ so deep rooted in local and national sociedade issues.

The movements likewise share their internal organization as a multitude. A foreign press corps searched no hope in Tunisia e Egypt for der leader of ns movements. During the most intense duration of the Tahrir square occupation, para example, they would each job presume der different figure era the habilidade leader: uma day it foi ~ Mohamed ElBaradei, the nobel Prize winner, ns next day google executive Wael Ghonim, and so forth. What the média couldn’t recognize or accept foi ~ that over there was enquanto leader in Tahrir Square. A movements’ refusal to have a leader foi ~ recognizable throughout ns year but perhaps foi ~ most pronounced in wall surface Street. A series the intellectuals and celebrities make appearances at Zuccotti Park, but enquanto one could consider any kind of of castle leaders; they were guests of ns multitude. From Cairo e Madrid come Athens e New York, a movements rather developed horizontal mechanisms ao organization. Lock didn’t develop headquarters or form quartel general committees yet spread fora like swarms, e most important, they produced democratic methods of decision making so that all participants could lead together.

A third characteristic that ns movements exhibit, albeit in various ways, is what we conceive as naquela struggle para the common. In some instances this has actually been to express in flames. As soon as Mohamed Bouazizi collection himself top top fire, his protest era understood to be against not só the abuse he endured at ns hands the the local police however also the widely shared social and economic plight of workers in the country, plenty of of whom estão unable to uncover work enough to their education. Indeed in both Tunisia and Egypt the loud calls to remove the tyrant made numerous observers hearing deactivated to a profound social e economic worries at stake in ns movements, as well as the sério actions of ns trade unions. A August fires that rioting in London likewise expressed protest against a current economic and social order. Like ns Parisian rioters in 2005 e those in Los angeles more than naquela decade before, ns indignation the Britons comment to naquela complex set of sociedade issues, a most centrais of i beg your pardon is gyeongju subordination. But a burning e looting in each of this cases additionally responds to a power of commodities e the preeminence of property, which are themselves, the course, regularly vehicles of gyeongju subordination. These ser estar struggles porque o thecommon, then, in the sense that they contest a injustices that neoliberalism and, ultimately, the rule of personal property. However that does not make them socialist. In fact, we check out very small of classic socialist movements in this bicycle of struggles. And as much as struggles for the usual contest a rule of private property, they equally oppose a rule of publicamente property e the direção of a state.

In this pamphlet we aim come address the desires and accomplishments of a cycle of battles that erupted in 2011, yet we a partir de so not by analyzing them directly. Instead we begin by investigating the visão global social e political conditions in which they arise. Our suggest of attack aqui is a dominant develops of subjectivity produced in the context of ns current social and political crisis. Us engage 4 primary subjective figures—the indebted, ns mediatized, a securitized, and the represented—all of which ~ ~ impoverished and their powers porque o social action ser estar masked or mystified.

Movements the revolt and rebellion, we find, provide us ns means not só to refuse a repressive power under which these subjective numbers suffer but also to invert thesesubjectivities in numbers of power. They discover, in other words, novo forms the independence and security top top economic and social e communicational terrains, which with each other create the potential to litter off systems of political representation e assert their own powers of autonomous action. These are some of ns accomplishments that ns movements have already realized e can build further.

To consolidate and heighten a powers of together subjectivities, though, one more step is needed. A movements, in effect, already provide a series the constitutional ethics that deserve to be ns basis for naquela constituent process. Uma of a most radical e far-reaching facets of this cycle of movements, porque o example, has been a rejection the representation and the building and construction instead the schemas of autonomous participation. These movements additionally give novo meanings to freedom, our relation to ns common, and a pedido of quartel general political arrangements, which longe exceed ns bounds of a current republican constitutions. This meanings are now already becoming component of der new usual sense. They are foundational values that we already remover to it is in inalienable rights, prefer those the were heralded in ns course of a eighteenth-century revolutions.

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The task is not to codify novo social relationships in der fixed order, but instead come create naquela constituent procedure that organizes those relations and makes castle lasting while likewise fostering future innovations and remaining open to a desires of a multitude. Ns movements have declared naquela new independence, e a constituent strength must bring that forward.